OSU Journals (Oklahoma State University)

Caire, William

Loucks, Lynda

Vaughan, Melville

External Morphology of the Tubercles on the Ears of the Brazilian Free-tailed Bat, Tadarida brasiliensis

Elshahed, Mostafa

Financial Statements

Sharp, Brett

Sharp
CONTAINING HISTORY
169
Friot, Stephen P. (2023). Containing History: How Cold War
History Explains US-Russia Relations. Norman, OK: University
of Oklahoma Press.
Friot offers a wide-ranging analysis of the Cold War’s origins,
its enduring relevance, and its impact on Russia’s geopolitical
behavior today. It effectively ties historical events to current
developments, particularly in the context of Russia’s invasion of
Ukraine. As a senior federal judge out of the U.S. District Court
Ior the :estern 'istrict oI Oklahoma, )riot might seem at first
blush to be an unconventional authority on Cold War history. But
he has served as a judicial delegate to numerous legal exchanges
in Russia and has traveled extensively throughout the Russian
Federation lecturing and conducting research. He has developed
a deep expertise about Russian culture and history. Moreover,
Friot has capitalized on newfound ability to access information
unclassified since the initial set oI Ioreign polic\ scholars wrote
their longstanding classic, ³definitive´ treatments oI the &old :ar
These more recent developments inform his uniquely compelling
vision of the profound cultural and historical experiences that
continue to shape Russian society and politics.
The author rightly emphasizes that Russia’s identity and geopolitical
actions are deepl\ inÀuenced b\ a long historical traMector\
Successive territorial invasions of Russia going back centuries
include armed incursions by Polish, Swedish, French, Japanese,
British, and German forces. Even American troops participated
in the 1918-1920 Allied intervention. Friot observes, “The Allied
intervention does not get more than a footnote—if that—in history
books in the United States. The Russians remember it better than
we do” (p. 10).
In a gripping style, Friot connects historical memory and current
attitudes toward the West. The book acknowledges that Russia’s
experiences, particularly its sense of victimhood and historical
grievances, are often misunderstood in the West. Containing
OKLAHOMA POLITICS
VOL. 34 / November 2024
170
History contrasts competing Russian and Western perspectives
over time. Likewise, it creates several analytical conversations
among various aspects of international and domestic politics.
As Friot notes, “The fact that the Cold War ended with the
disintegration of the Soviet empire (which lasted some seventy
\ears, is not nearl\ as historicall\ significant as the Iact that the
Cold War ended with the disintegration of the Russian empire,
which lasted for more than three hundred years” (p. 326).
The focus on the role of Russian ethnicity and cultural
distinctiveness as drivers of political and social behavior is
insightful. The observation that post-Soviet Russian generations
feel a stronger sense of national identity than their predecessors
is key to understanding the resurgence of Russian nationalism
under Putin. The book dives into the geopolitical legacies of the
&old :ar, highlighting their continued inÀuence on 865ussia
relations today. At its core, the book seeks to explain why Russia
and Americans view each other so differently and how the Cold
War shaped both nations’ domestic and international politics.
Friot places these divergent perspectives in the broader context
of Russia’s historical experiences, such as its imperial past Soviet
legacy, and its struggle with Western encroachment.
The claim that the Cold War is still relevant, particularly in
how it informs Russia’s foreign policy and attitudes toward the
West, is well argued. It is true that the distrust between Russia
and the :est, established firml\ during the &old :ar, persists
and aIIects modern conÀicts, such as the war in 8kraine 7his
historical perspective helps explain why Putin’s actions may
seem both strategic and reactive, rooted in a longstanding fear
of encirclement and Western hostility. Friot emphasizes that the
collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 did not signal an “end of
history,” as Francis Fukuyama famously suggested, but rather set
the stage for renewed tensions as Russia seeks to reassert itself on
the global stage. These pressure points have been exacerbated by
Western misinterpretations of Russian nationalism and the internal
Sharp
CONTAINING HISTORY
171
pressures facing Russia, especially under Vladimir Putin.
Russia’s national identity is multifaceted. While historical
antecedents rooted in the Cold War are certainly important,
they do not fully account for the complexity of contemporary
Russian society. For instance, the resurgence of the Russian
Orthodox Church, the role of economic interests, and the impact
of globalization on younger Russians could all be explored more
deeply to provide a more comprehensive view. Friot tends to focus
on historical memory and external relations (especially regarding
the West), but Russia’s internal political dynamics, particularly
the role of authoritarianism under Putin, are underplayed. The
resurgence of Russian nationalism and militarism is not purely
a product of historical memory—it is also a deliberate tool used
by Putin to consolidate power domestically. The role of state
propaganda, economic stagnation, and the suppression of dissent
in shaping public opinion could be examined more thoroughly.
Friot explains how Russian history differs from that of the United
States and Western Europe. The implication that Western societies
lack comparable traumas oversimplifies the picture :estern
nations, especially in Europe, have also experienced cataclysmic
wars and political upheaval, including the two World Wars and the
Cold War itself. A more nuanced discussion of how these historical
experiences differ in their long-term effects on national identities
could strengthen the argument.
The author broadly claims that the Cold War is still relevant.
However, the rules of engagement are less clear today, especially
in cyberspace. While the Cold War provides useful context, the
contemporary global order is marked by multi-polarity (e.g. the
rise of China), global economic interdependence, and emergence
of non-state actors—all of which differ from the more binary
structure oI the &old :ar 7his book could benefit Irom more
fully acknowledging these differences and exploring how new
technologies, economic globalization, and different power
OKLAHOMA POLITICS
VOL. 34 / November 2024
172
d\namics have altered the nature oI conÀict
The author states that Putin’s ethnonationalism is not an ideology
“in anything like the same sense that communism was.” This
point is under-explored. While communism provided a cohesive,
global ideological framework, Putin’s blend of nationalism,
imperial nostalgia, and anti-Western rhetoric serves a more
pragmatic, situational purpose. It lacks the global ambition of
Soviet communism but is still powerful in shaping domestic and
foreign policy. A deeper exploration of how Putin uses ideology
to legitimize his rule and justify his policies could enhance the
analysis.
The book hints at some important historical episodes, like the
Soviet-German nonaggression pact and the Cold War arms control
negotiations. But it doesn’t delve deeply into how these events
directly shape modern Russian attitudes toward international
law, diplomacy, and trust in global institutions. Exploring how
historical treaties, betrayals, and alliances shaped Russian strategy
could provide a richer understanding of Russia’s behavior today.
The book is particularly informative when discussing the
contributions of American policy leaders at various points in time
during the Cold War. Friot is obviously impressed with many of
the U.S. presidents, cabinet leaders, diplomats, and geopolitical
strategists that guided American foreign policy during these
perilous years. A key theme of the book is how the caliber of
these Cold War era policymakers is far superior to contemporary
leaders. Friot comments, “It is hard to look at this array of leaders
without wondering what accounts for the palpable differences
between them and man\, iI not most, oI their twent\first centur\
counterparts (p. 111). He does express some admiration for Joe
Biden’s leadership in international affairs which he traces back
to Biden’s foreign policy experiences in the U.S. Senate. As
President, Biden has leveraged Putin’s assault on Ukraine to not
only completely repair the damage done by President Trump, but
Sharp
CONTAINING HISTORY
173
to expand NATO membership with the recent additions of Finland
and Sweden.
The author effectively ties together the past and present. He
makes some surprising predictions and policy recommendations.
First, he recommends that American foreign policy should start
preparing now for a post-Putin Russia. In the meantime, the West
should blunt Putin’s existing ambitions with explicit willingness
to deploy superior military power.
Second, he says that “it is not likely that Crimea will ever be
returned to Ukraine” (p. 328). He supports this prediction with
discussion about the long history of Crimea being under Russian
control since it was initially annexed in 1783 during the First
Turkish War. Friot notes that Russians have longstanding cultural,
linguistic, ethnic, and religious ties to Crimea. Furthermore,
“Crimea has been redeemed more than once with Russian
blood” (p. 329). The interplay of historical factors, geographical
considerations, a sense of Western encirclement, the Russian
diaspora, and Russia’s enduring goal of maintaining access to a
warm-water port—particularly Sevastopol, a city of both emotional
and strategic importance—makes it clear that Russia is highly
unlikely to willingly surrender Crimea (p. 329). In the strictest
spirit of realpolitik, Friot says that the United States and its allies
should feel little imperative in the near term to excuse or recognize
Russia’s control of Crimea. On the other hand, Friot encourages
some toleration for a Russian equivalent to the Monroe Doctrine.
Third, the author declares that further “expansion of NATO to
include Ukraine would be counterproductive, unnecessary, and
conducive to open conÀict´ p  )riot sees a Iundamental
distinction between NATO’s incorporation of Finland and Sweden
into its membership and the possibility of such future membership
for Ukraine. He asserts that, “rightly or wrongly, Russia would
consider accession of Ukraine to be an existential threat” (p. 334).
At the same time, Friot sees few drawbacks to welcoming Ukraine
OKLAHOMA POLITICS
VOL. 34 / November 2024
174
into the European Union. These considerations could play out as
major touch-points in any peace negotiations to end the Russia￾Ukraine war.
Finally, Friot predicts that over the long term, the U.S. is more
likely to ally with Russia than China. He points to the highly
educated citi]enr\ in 5ussia who possess strong aIfinit\ toward
Western culture. Unlike China, Russian citizens jealously guard
their access to the web—admittedly through the use of virtual
private networks. The author sees great risk for Russian authorities
to start placing limits on internet access. He cautions though that
“meaningful democratic reform in Russia, when it comes, will
be democratic reform, Russian style” (p. 350). The United States
and its Western allies should refrain from arrogantly force-feeding
democratic reforms should such an opportunity arise.
In sum, Containing History provides a strong historical
framework—especially in the context of the Cold War—for
understanding 5ussia¶s actions and its ongoing conÀict with the
West. The book is such a wonderful and timely overview to assist
contemporary readers to appreciate the complexity of international
affairs as currently playing out on the world stage. This book would
be a welcome addition to any classroom covering contemporary
international affairs.
REFERENCES
Fukuyama, Francis. (1992). The End of History and the Last Man.
New York: The Free Press.
Brett S. Sharp
University of Central Oklahoma

Containing History: How Cold War History Explains US-Russia Relations

Webster, Jacintha

Webster
RABBIT DECOLONIZES THE FOREST
179
Gregory H. Bigler. 2024. Rabbit Decolonizes the Forest: Stories
from the Euchee Reservation. University of Oklahoma Press. 193
pages.
Rabbit Decolonizes the Forest is a collection of stories that com￾bine personal and family memoirs, traditional di’i’le (Euchee
tales) recorded from elders, and modern stories told in the style
of di’i’le. In the Euchee language, di’i’le refers to stories or leg￾ends, generally featuring animals, which were often told to chil￾dren. Traditional di’i’le often begin and end with a phrase such
as “gae-sthaw-la aw-ha-e-ha.” The meaning of this phrase is to
convey that the stories came from “ones who have gone on” and
were not created by the teller. In many Native American commu￾nities, including Euchee, stories are used not only for entertaining
children but are also used to pass down information, teach tradi￾tions, inform identities, and convey ideas. In this book, Bigler uses
these different forms of stories to provide a unique and important
glimpse into Euchee life as well as provide commentary on con￾temporary Native American issues.
Gregory H. Bigler is a lawyer, Tribal court judge, Native Ameri￾can Law scholar, and perhaps most central to his identity, Euchee
(enrolled through Muscogee Nation). Bigler, along with his law
partner, the late G. William Rice, won Oklahoma Tax Commission
v. Sac and Fox Nation, 508 U.S. 114 (1993), a landmark Native
American Sovereignty case in the United States Supreme Court.
As part of this collection of tales, Bigler shares his experiences
fighting Ior 7ribal sovereignt\ in the 6upreme &ourt along with
other personal experiences. The reader will experience accounts
of late-night brief writing and Supreme Court arguments along￾side descriptions of attending wild onion dinners, participating in
Stomp Dance, and learning Euchee from family members. The
interweaving of these experiences illustrate that all of these stories
are equally important and impactful in Bigler’s life.
Some stories in this collection are traditional di’i’le recorded from
OKLAHOMA POLITICS
VOL. 34 / November 2024
180
Euchee elders such as “How Rabbit Gets His Short Tail.” Another
traditional di’i’lie in the collection titled “Sahiwane and Gojith￾lah (Rabbit and Monster).” In this story, Sahjwane (Rabbit) kills
the monster who has been terrorizing the woodland animals. Sah￾jwane comes to this conclusion after a meeting of a council of the
animals to discuss solutions to the Gojithlah (Monster) problem.
This story, as Bigler explains, would traditionally be told to chil￾dren at bedtime but it also served a purpose of teaching how Eu￾chee people address societal problems through council meetings,
punishment, and relational expectations.
In addition to traditional tales, this book also contains contem￾porary stories often written in the style of traditional di’i’le, pro￾viding clever commentary on current topics of Indigenous policy
discussions. The title story, “Rabbit Decolonizes the Forest,” tells
of Rabbit who decides to decolonize the forest by stripping away
all new growth. Another modern di’i’le featuring Rabbit depicts
him visiting his friend Bear. Bear spends his time in the forest,
checking in on family members and helping out with ceremonies.
Rabbit on the other hand, regales Bear with his experiences at the
United League of Rabbits, talking with other rabbits and passing
resolutions about how to be better animals 7he final tale, ³7he
Last Old Woman” shares the story of Rabbit in a disappearing for￾est meeting with an elderly storyteller. This story has two endings
as Rabbit has a choice on how to proceed in the changing world
he is facing.
Rabbit Decolonizes the Forest provides a captivating look into the
two worlds in which Bigler walks. Readers experience heartwarm￾ing family stories, entertaining commentary on current issues, tra￾ditional tales, and challenging narratives on unresolved injustices.
Jacintha Webster
East Central University

Rabbit Decolonizes the Forest: Stories from the Euchee Reservation

McAllister, Chris

Durden, Lance

Pittman, Jeffrey

Robison, Henry

Ectoparasites of the Woodchuck, Marmota mo- nax (Rodentia: Sciuridae), from Arkansas, with a Summary of Ectoparasite Records from M. monax

Searcy, David

SUBMISSION GUIDELINES
v
SUBMISSION GUIDELINES
GENERAL
Oklahoma Politics invites submissions that explore the broad con￾text of politics affecting Oklahoma and its place in the surround￾ing region. We are especially interested in submissions that bring
to bear a variety of methodological, analytical, and disciplinary
perspectives on state and local politics of the central-south region
of the United States: Oklahoma, Kansas, Colorado, New Mexi￾co, Texas, Arkansas, and Louisiana. Because “politics” cannot
be thoroughly explored from only a single disciplinary point of
view, trans-disciplinary and collaborative projects are encouraged.
Though we are the journal of the Oklahoma Political Science As￾sociation, we encourage submissions from historians, economists,
sociologists, environmental scientists, policymakers, analysts, as
well as political scientists and practitioners whose substantive re￾search bears on the politics and issues of the state and region.
Oklahoma Politics is a fully peer-reviewed journal. Each submis￾sion receives at least three anonymous reviews and each is re￾viewed by the editors before a decision is made to accept a manu￾script for publication.
MANUSCRIPTS
Manuscripts should be no longer than 30 pages or more than 9,000
words, double-spaced; text, graphics, notes, and references includ￾ed; no extra space between paragraphs. Do not indent paragraphs.
Type font: Times New Roman; 12 point. Notes should be foot￾notes, not endnotes, and references should be the last part of the
manuscript *raphics tables and figures count  words sub￾mitted separately, one per page, with internal reference indicating
the approximate placement in the body of the text (i.e.: “[Table 1
about here@´ 7ablesfigures must not be larger than a single page
OKLAHOMA POLITICS
VOL. 34 / November 2024
vi
INTERNAL NOTE STYLE
Footnotes, sequentially numbered superscript (e.g. 1, 2, 3, 4).
Internal reference style: (author last name year); e.g. (Jefferson
2007).
Internal reference with page number: (author last name year, page
#); e.g. (Jefferson 2007, 32). Multiple internal references separat￾ed b\ semicolon alphabetical first, then b\ \ear $uthor $ 
Author B 1994; Author CA1 2007; Author CA2 1992).
REFERENCE AND NOTE STYLE
Manuscripts and book reviews must follow the APSA Chicago
Manual of Style or Style Manual of Political Science. These for￾mat and citation styles can be found in the journals of the American
Political Science Association: American Political Science Review,
Perspectives on Politics, and PS: Political Science &Politics.
Examples
-ournals $uthor last, author first or initial 'ate ³$rticle 7itle´
Publication Volume (Number): Page-Page. Example: Budge, Ian.
1973. “Recent Legislative Research: Assumptions and Strategies.”
European Journal of Political Research 1 (4): 317- 330.
%ooks $uthor last, author first or initial 'ate 7itle 3ublication
City: Publisher. Example: Green, Donald, and Ian Shapiro. 1994.
Pathologies of Rational Choice Theory. New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press.
GUIDELINES FOR CITING CHAPTERS AND WEBSITES
Chapters
$uthor last, author first or initial 'ate ³&hapter 7itle´ ,n %ook
Title, ed. Book Author First, Last. Publication City: Publisher. Ex￾ample: Mezey, Michael L. 1991. “Studying Legislatures: Lessons
for Comparing Russian Experience.” In Democratization in Rus￾sia: The Development of Legislative Institutions, ed. W.H. Jeffrey.
 
SUBMISSION GUIDELINES
vii
New York: M.E. Sharpe.
Websites
$uthor last, author first or initial 'ate ³3ublication 7itle´ /ast
Access Date). Example: Collins, Paul. 2005. “Data Management
in Stata.” http://www.psci.unt.edu/~pmcollins/ Data%20 Manage￾ment%20in%20Stata.pdf (September 16, 2016).
TABLE & FIGURE STYLE GUIDELINES
(ach table or figure must fit on a single page $uthors must submit
tables and figures in appropriate Iormat
Table 1: Similarities Between Oklahoma and West Virginia
Mean* SD
Not Term Limited (n=72) 2.4 7.5
Term Limited (n=28) 5.0 8.6
Majority Party Republican Republican
 'iIIerence significant at the  level
ORGANIZATIONAL/HEADINGS
Major Section Head (Bold Caps & Centered)
SUBSECTION HEAD (CAPS & LEFT: NO PERIOD)
Sub-sub Section Head (Title Caps, Left, & Italicized; No Period)
MANUSCRIPT SUBMISSION
Manuscripts must contain: a cover page with title, author, and au￾thor aIfiliation and contact inIormation a separate cover page with
title only; an abstract of no more than 150 words and the text of
the manuscript. Authors whose manuscripts are accepted for pub￾lication must submit a short biographical sketch for inclusion in
the journal.
OKLAHOMA POLITICS
VOL. 34 / November 2024
viii
BOOK REVIEWS
Book reviews should be no longer than 1500 words. Reviews
should be of books on topics relevant to the journal as delineated
in the Submission Guidelines. Review style should follow that of
the journal as a whole. Full bibliographic information should be
included as the lead to the review.
Manuscripts (or ideas for manuscripts) should be emailed to: Da￾vid Searcy, Editor in Chief, Oklahoma Political Science Associ￾ation - Southwestern Oklahoma State University, 100 Campus
Drive, Weatherford, OK 73096. Email: david.searcy@swosu.edu.
Book Reviews (or ideas for book reviews) should be emailed to:
Christine Pappas, Book Review Editor, Oklahoma Politics, East
Central University. Email: cpappas@ecok.edu. Telephone: 580-
559-5640
PAPERS AND BOOK REVIEWS
They must be submitted electronically, in either Microsoft Word
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other forms of submission will be accepted. Manuscripts of papers
not in format compliance will be returned without review.

Submission Guidelines

Editorial Policies and Practices

Instructions for Authors

Rolison, W. Edward

William H. Murray in El Gran Chaco, Bolivia: 1919-1929

Darcy, Robert

White Supremacy Criminal Justice: The Rogers Family Murders

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