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    Hybrid Threats and the Intelligence Community : Priming for a Volatile Age

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    A specific set of challenges facing the intelligence community in a contemporary environment is characterized by composite and dynamic hybrid threats. An understanding of the reciprocal interaction is required between the intelligence actors responsible for intelligence analysis and dissemination, and key societal actors responsible for crafting responses to hybrid threats and building societal resilience. Three processes are identified as critical for the intelligence community’s ability to proactively counter hybrid threats: intelligence analysis; aggregation and communication of intelligence; and reception and absorption of intelligence among key societal actors. The interconnections between these areas are visualized in the Intelligence Analysis Interaction Model, intending to provide a framework for understanding the dynamics of hybrid threats and their evolution over time, and the intelligence community’s interactive engagement with societal actors aiming to counter hybrid threats and build resilience. The framework contributes to improved tools for identifying and analyzing the nexus between threats and vulnerabilities, building resilience, and devising whole-of-society responses to hybrid threats

    Betraying Allies: Gender Violence in Peace Time : U.S. Media Coverage of Servicemember Sexual Assaults Against Japanese Civilians Through an Intersectional Lens

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    By using a frame analysis of U.S. media reports of U.S. servicemembers perpetrating sexual violence against Japanese civilians, this thesis demonstrates how women and girls and their security are considered worthy sacrifices for state security in the media. The analysis results find that the general narrative of U.S. media and military regarding the U.S. perpetrated sexual violence in Japan is that of blame-shifting, essentially removing the fault and responsibility of these incidents away from the U.S. military and the U.S. at large. This thesis argues that this has led to multiple outcomes. First, the U.S. military's primary focus is preserving its military alliance and the subsequent increased regional security with Japan. This subsequently leads to women and girls not being considered important enough for fundamental structural change in either how the U.S. military operates or an expansion of the definition of security. Secondly, the results also showcased signs of an imperialistic mindset regarding Japanese society and the women within that society. By ignoring the Western stereotypes and norms of racialised sexism that put these Japanese women and girls under additional threats, the imperialistic belief again shifts blame away from the West and onto the victims and Japan. With these findings, this thesis contributes to the discussion regarding security and our understanding of gendered violence during peacetime.

    Nordkoreanska soldater vid ryska fronten : En utrikespolitisk analys av Nordkoreas fördjupade allians med Ryssland

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    North Korea is the most isolated country on earth. However in June 2024 North Korea signeda security alliance with Russia which is suspected to have entailed among other things a mutual defence clause, illegal arms trade, and in November North Korean soldiers were sent to Russia for the war in Ukraine. The timing of the alliance is noteworthy taking in account that Russia was already at war. However what is even more noteworthy is that this decision ends North Korea´s isolationist policy and chooses to cooperate closely with Russia rather than Kina were North Korea already has a formal alliance. This makes the subject interesting for a Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) which aims to explain an actors foreign policy decisionmaking. The objective of this study is to explain this foreign policy decision mainly with the FPA-theory of national attributes, which is something previous studies have failed to adress properly. The method which is being used is a Structured Focused Comparison (SFC) with a qualitative within-case study research design. The key findings of this study are that North Korea is dependent on other countries for essential resources such as food and oil and economic assistance to survive. Additionally, has an ambitious aim to modernize their military capability and nuclear deterrence, which Russia likely supplies North Korea with in the light of their alliance. The conclusion this study draws is that these findings likely is the reason for North Korea´s involvement in the war with Ukraine. However these findings arenot enough to establish a causal relationship. Further research where more detailed data is available would likely produce more certain results in this regard

    Constructing Gender, Constraining Change : A Feminist Discourse Analysis of the United Nations’ Policy on DDR

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    This thesis explores the United Nation’s discursive conceptualization of gender in its policy on Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programs. It draws on feminist poststructuralist theory to conduct a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of the UN’s Integrated DDR Standards (IDDRS). The first aim of the thesis is to provide a deeper understanding of how gender is understood and produced in the IDDRS. The second aim builds on the poststructuralist understanding of discourses as powerful to discern what kind of peacebuilding realities are generated. The results show that the understanding and production of gender is based on a binary construction that stabilizes subjects into two categories and reinforces assumptions, expectations, and ideas about these. This inhibits transformative change of gender relations. It also renders women’s participation and empowerment a tool to achieve the overall success of DDR. The result is a peacebuilding reality that shifts the focus away from the wellbeing of people to that of national security. Based on these findings, this thesis calls for a renegotiation of gender in UN peacebuilding discourse to recenter the well-being of people. These findings contribute to the existing body of gender and DDR by demonstrating how lingering assumptions on the institutional discursive level of the UN inhibit practical application of transformative goals

    Zero Trust i privata hemnätverk : Ett sociotekniskt perspektiv på implementering av Zero Trust för ökad nätverkssäkerhet i hemmet

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    This study explores the application of Zero Trust (ZT), a modern network security approach, in private home networks. Unlike traditional security models that rely on a clear perimeter, ZT focuses on protecting resources internally. As the number of connected devices in homes increases, cyber threats grow, and remote work becomes more common, the need for stronger home network security in our homes is more critical than ever. To investigate how ZT can enhance security, this study conducts an experiment comparing a ZT-based network to a traditional network environment. Results demonstrated improved security through access restrictions but also revealed challenges related to technical complexity and implementer expertise. Qualitative findings underscored the importance of sociotechnical factors such as user motivation, available tools, and the unique context of private homes. While not all ZT principles were fully confirmed, the results suggest ZT’s potential to enhance home network security. The study also emphasizes the importance of a sociotechnical approach in understanding the conditions for successful implementation and the need for further research on ZT’s practical application in home environments.Denna studie undersöker hur Zero Trust (ZT), en modern strategi för nätverkssäkerhet, kan tillämpas i privata hemnätverk. Till skillnad från traditionella säkerhetsmodeller, som bygger på en tydlig perimeter, fokuserar ZT på att skydda resurser internt. I takt med att allt fler enheter kopplas upp i hemmet, cyberhoten ökar och distansarbete blir vanligare, växer behovet av stärkt säkerhet i hemnätverk. För att undersöka hur ZT kan bidra till detta genomförs ett experiment där säkerheten i ett ZT-baserat nätverk jämförs med en traditionell nätverksmiljö. Kvantitativa data från experimentet visar på förbättrad säkerhet genom striktare åtkomstkontroller. Ur ett sociotekniskt perspektiv analyseras även användarrelaterade och kontextuella faktorer som påverkar implementeringen. Studien identifierar både fördelar, såsom ökad säkerhet, och utmaningar kopplade till teknisk komplexitet och användarkompetens. Även om inte alla ZT-principer kunde bekräftas fullt ut, pekar resultaten på dess potential att stärka säkerheten i hemnätverk. Studien betonar även vikten av ett sociotekniskt angreppssätt för att förstå förutsättningarna för en framgångsrik implementering och behovet av vidare forskning kring ZT:s praktiska tillämpning i hemmiljöer

    Ledarspecifika signaler under kriget i Ukraina

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    This describing essay is a text analysis within war science that uses McManus’ theory of leader-specific signals to analyze speeches made by Emmanuel Macron and Olaf Scholz in relation to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.  The essay uses a combination of Swedish and English language and researches the question: Which leader-specific signals do Emmanuel Macron and Olaf Scholz convey, during strategic communication regarding the war in Ukraine? The conclusions of this essay are based on certain terms within war science which are defined within the essay. These conclusions describe and compare similarities, differences and general trends related to the leader-specific signals of Emmanuel Macron and Olaf Scholz. Conclusion 1: Emmanuel Macron does generally convey more specific leader-specific signals regarding (A) interests, a lack of (E) limits and (F) commitments, in comparison with Olaf Scholz.  Conclusion 2: Olaf Scholz does generally convey more and clearer / stronger leader-specific signals regarding (C) credibility and (D) endurance, in comparison with Emmanuel Macron.  Conclusion 3: Both Emmanuel Macron and Olaf Scholz communications have changed over time from signaling deterrence by punishment to signaling deterrence by punishment. Conclusion 4: Emmanuel Macron and Olaf Scholz convey similar leader-specific signals

    An interdisciplinary study of emergency response systems : How Swedish emergency response systems adapts due to the changing requirements of risk

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    Kriser och olyckor kan få konsekvenser på individer, samhällen, länders kultur, arv och socioekonomiska tillgångar samt ekosystem (UNDRR, 2015). För minska och hindra konsekvenserna behöver länder bevaka, bedöma och förstå risker för att på så sätt förbereda sig och anpassa sig för framtiden. Några av de större kriserna som Sverige har haft under 2010-talet har börjat som skogsbränder. Räddningstjänsterna är en del av samhällets aktörer som förväntas vara en del i den samlade kraften för att hjälpa enskilda i kriser. Syftet med denna studie har därför varit att undersöka hur räddningstjänstens ledningssystem dimensioneras i praktiken, vilka faktorer som styrt dimensioneringen och hur dessa påverkar systemens förmåga att hantera varierande risker. Studien har genomförts med en kvalitativ ansats i samarbete med Myndigheten för samhällsskydd och beredskap (MSB). Närvaro har skett vid tre tillsynsbesök som MSB har genomfört hos räddningsledningssystem. Observationerna vid besöken syftade till att stödja framtagandet av en semi-strukturerade intervjuguide. Nio räddningschefer aktiva i sju räddningsledningssystem har deltagit i studien. Data från intervjuerna har sedan bearbetats med tematisk analys. Resultatet visar att ekonomi är en viktig faktor vid dimensionering och behöver ingå som ett designkriterium i designlogiken. Förmåga, som tidigare studier också visat, formuleras i termer av antal resurser istället för effekten som kan uppnås. Räddningsledningssystem har också börjat samarbeta i räddningsregioner för att hantera risken för mättnad. Slutligen konstaterades att räddningsledningssystemen fortsatt behöver jobba med att förbereda och anpassa sig för att hantera framtida risker och kriser genom att bevaka, bedöma och förstå risker med olyckor som kan uppstå.Crisis and disasters may have consequences on individuals, communities, countries' culture, heritage and socio-economic assets as well as ecosystems (UNDRR, 2015). To reduce and prevent the consequences during crises and disasters, countries need to observe, assess and recognize risks to prepare and adapt for the future. Some of the major crises that Sweden has had in the 2010s started as forest fires. The rescue services is a part of society’s collective strength to manage these. The purpose of this study has therefore been to examine how municipal rescue management systems are constructed, and which features have guided the construction and how the features has affected the system’s ability to manage a variance in risks. The study has had a qualitative approach in close collaboration with the Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency (MSB). Observations has taken place during three supervisory visits to rescue management systems that MSB has carried out. The observations during the visits led to the design of an semi-structured interview guide. The respondents were nine officers in charge of the municipal rescue service, active in seven municipal rescue management systems. The data from the interviews have been processed with thematic analysis. The results indicate that funding is a great factor when constructing management systems and therefore should be a design criteria in the logic of design. Ability, as former studies have revealed, is measured in amount of resources rather than the effect that can be produced. Some rescue management systems cooperate in regions to manage the risk of saturation. Finally, the study revealed that the municipal rescue emergency systems still have some work to do to adapt to deal with future risks and crises

    Interaktionen mellan naturvetenskap, militär och politik inom det svenska kärnvapenprogrammet 1959-1961 : En studie om FOA:s hantering av ett exploderande forskningsfält

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    From 1938 to 1961 the technological advancements within the field of nuclear weapons led to the filed going from a purely theoretical stage to detonating a weapon that is believed to have been equal to roughly 2800 times the TNT-equivalents of the bomb dropped on Nagasaki. These advancements did not go unnoticed, and several smaller states attempted to acquire their own nuclear weapons. Sweden was one of those states. But to acquire these new weapons was no easy task. To overcome the hurdles of a highly technical field states had to combine political will, the necessary resources and technical expertise which inevitably caused friction between different professions. Several books and articles have been written about how Sweden attempted to overcome these frictions, and they often revolve around subjects such as the dual use of research between civil nuclear power and nuclear weapons, something that became known as “the Swedish line”. Discussions in the existing literature often deals with political, economical, and technical issues, but tends to be somewhat contradictory when it comes to answering questions about if and when the civil and military research fields were no longer dual use. However, these discussions have rarely taken the results produced by the organisation that was given the mission to build the devices into account, the Swedish National Defence Research Institute (FOA). The purpose of this paper is to try to fill a part of that gap by studying both the reports that were produced by the researchers at FOA and the board meeting protocols, which are accounts of meetings between mainly researchers and military officials, during the period between 1959 and 1961. This is done by applying a qualitative textual analysis focusing on terms related to fission and fusion. Even though the conclusions are limited due to the secrecy surrounding the subject and the limited knowledge this student possesses regarding advanced nuclear physics the research papers from FOA and the board meeting protocols do seem to indicate a key difference of opinion between the military and the physicists. Since Sweden was a small nation with a limited budget resources were limited, but with the field of nuclear weapons expanding in scope resources often became a point of contention between different members of the board. In these discussion it seems as though the military tended to prefer planning while the physicists seemed to prefer a more dynamic approach to resource allocation

    Sveriges syn på Natomedlemskap 2014 kontra 2022 ur ett småstatsperspektiv

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    With Sweden applying for Nato membership on May 18 2022, it marked a historical shift in Sweden's view on security politics. The application was submitted just a couple of months after the Russian invasion of Ukraine. But how come Sweden did not apply following the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014? Due to the fact that the situations at both times were rather similar, it seems relevant to increase the understanding of the outcome. Thorhallsson’s Shelter Theory aims to explain how small states such as Sweden, seek shelter within alliances and organisations. Previous research has not analysed Sweden's view on Nato membership 2014 compared to 2022 from a small state perspective. By using the cornerstone Political shelter and its subfactors from Shelter theory, this study aims to increase the understanding of Sweden's view on Nato membership, and why they did apply in 2022 but not in 2014. The analysis showed that Sweden’s view on Nato membership differed in 2022 compared to 2014. This was examined through the subfactors: Military power, Power of diplomacy and norms and rules of the international system and The capacity of domestic political institutions. All subfactors contributed to a deeper understanding of the outcome, though the latter contributed the least

    Från underläge till motståndskraft : Drönarens roll i Ukrainas kamp

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    This study explores how drones have contributed to underdogs having a chance of surviving against a more powerful adversary. One conflict where drones are being used is the ongoing war between Ukraine and Russia, a conflict characterized by asymmetrical power dynamics. Through a theory-consuming approach, this study will explain how the use of Ukrainian drones has evolved over the first year of the conflict. This will be done by comparing the use of drones at the beginning of the war with one year into the war. The analysis will later be used to explain how drones affect power asymmetries. To answer the question, the study will create a theoretical framework with the help of the asymmetrical airpower theory, The Underdog’s Model. The study concludes that the use of Ukrainian drones has evolved. Initially relying on more advanced and expensive systems, Ukraine gradually shifted towards simpler and more cost-effective alternatives. This led to drones being used on a bigger scale which is beneficial for an underdog due to its ability to deliver effect. The drones also gave Ukraine the ability to conduct intelligence and reconnaissance missions on a wider range which led to better situational awareness and higher precision for the artillery. It also took part in why Ukraine got external support, necessary for survival. Finally, Ukraine started to produce their own drones which resulted in a cheaper and more secure production. The results from this study can be used by other underdogs in their way of preparing themself but also to predict how future conflict will be fought

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