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Extension du Cadre chez Aziz Al Azmeh pour inclure l’Histoire Féministe
No full textThis article suggests feminist history as a fruitful avenue for building upon two foundational aspects of Aziz Al Azmeh’s work: interdisciplinarity, and contextualizing “paleo-Islam.” Any scholar hoping to study women and gender in the Paleo-Islamic context is immediately faced with the problem that none of the narrative Arabic sources was written by women. To take at face value what male authored texts say about women is to adopt a naïve and uncritical view of Paleo- Islamic history. In order to address this problem, this article offers examples of various feminist historical methodologies—ranging from micro-historical analysis to prosopgraphy—to suggest how they can enhance our understanding of Paleo-Islam. For instance, scholars can critically read the Qur’ān and certain asbāb al-nuzūl to uncover debates about the status of slave women within the earliest umma. Moreover, genealogy is informative in reconstructing the types of marital and concubinal connections early Muslims were making, and it helps explain how the Umayyad dynasty was able to retain an “aristocratic Arab ethnicity” despite relying heavily on slave concubinage for procreation
Les raisons de l’échec du lobby assyrien à la Conférence de la Paix de Paris
No full textDuring the First World War the Assyrians suffered great losses as a result of massacres and deportations organized by the Ottomans. Between 250.000 and 300.000 Assyrians are estimated to have lost their lives during the Seyfo, the Syriac word for “sword”. Several Assyro-Chaldean delegations, from different countries and different churches, participated in the Paris Peace Conference after the War in order to lobby the victorious powers for a free Assyria under one mandatory power. Although they received much sympathy, in the end nothing of what the Assyrians demanded was implemented. The reasons for this failure were anchored in the Assyrians’ geographical and denominational differences and because Britain and France had other plans for the territories in which Assyrians lived
La Gendarmerie libanaise pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, au service de qui ?
Get PDFThe Second World War has a particular resonance in Lebanon, where the confrontation between two the Frances took place: the France of Vichy opposing the Free France, widely supported by the Allies. The Lebanese Gendarmerie, created by the French Mandate, finally saw Vichy’s supervision replaced by that of the Free French Forces. This new authority was however strongly undermined by the cumbersome British presence on Lebanese territory. How did the Lebanese Gendarmes continue to fulfil their mission of maintaining public order in this complicated context? What was their role when Independence was declared? The study of a collection of French military archives sketches this history, one of factional warfare, conflicts of loyalty, and the yearning for Independence.Le quatrième article de la série « Textes inédits de la tradition arabe orthodoxe » rend accessible un document négligé de la tradition chrétienne orthodoxe en arabe : les réponses canoniques du patriarche chalcédonien orthodoxe Marc III d’Alexandrie (r. ca. 1180-ca. 1209) à son fils spirituel Georges, l’abbé du monastère de saint Jérémie près de Damiette. Cet article comprend une édition et une traduction anglaise de ce texte
Apprivoiser le Temps : la Possibilité de l’Histoire et de la Politique dans l’Islam
No full textThe emergence of genuine history and politics in Western thought required a solution for the problem of secular stability. This article traces the process of grappling with the ‘succession of particulars in time,’ of investing change with a principle in order to make sense of it. It argues that, while this process went hand in hand with the eviction of religion and the consolidation of the antagonism between the religious and the secular, such antagonism was softened in Islam because of the attenuation of messianism and dogmatism which allowed temporal and otherworldly categories to coexist. It argues further that Paleo-Islam provided the conditions for the possibility of ‘robust politics’ and ‘history itself’ without having recourse to the upheavals of enlightenment and modernity
“ Āl-Ḥurāḍā ”: une figure oubliée du Sacerdoce Arabe Préislamique
No full textي دراسة سابقة، توصّلنا إلى أنّ الميسر الجاهلي لم يكن مجرّد لعبة لتزجية الوقت أو سبيلاً للرّبح السّهل )القمار( كما درج المأثور على إشاعته، بقدر ما كان طقسًا دينيًّا أضحويًّا يقام شتاءً مع بداية تجمّع القبائل على المياه في أماكن معروفة لكلّ قبيلة بعد فترة القيظ المتميّزة بقلّة الأمطار، بغاية استرضاء الآلهة عبر نحر إبل يتراهن عليها المياسرون على الأنصاب المعيّنة لحدود حمى القبيلة بما يقيها من كلّ عدوان خارجيّ سواء من البشر أو من الخوافي )الجنّ خصوصًا(. كما توصّلنا إلى من خلال اختصاصهم » مؤسّسة الكهنوت الجاهليّة « أنّ من أهمّ أهداف المي سِ توفير موارد لممثليّ
. »المنيح « إلى جانب توفير أقوات للمحتاجين بخصّهم بأرباح القدح ،» الوغد « بأرباح القدح وقد أوردت المصادر إلى جانب الفقراء والأرامل والمحتاجين، أربعة أطراف مشاركة في طقس
»الأَيْسَار « المتولّ نحر النّوق المخصّصة للّعب حسب طقوس مخصوصة، و » الجزّار «: المي سِ، وهم
» الرّقيب « المدير للّعبة والمشرف عليها، و » الحُرَضَة « القائمون باللّعب وهم من سادة القوم وأماثلهم، و المتولّ مراقبة اللّعب وإعلان نتائجه. ونحن يهمّنا من هذه الأطراف مدير اللعبة والمشرف عليها،
وهو الحرضة. في المصادر الإسلاميّة، ومحاولة إعادة قراءة دوره » الحُرَضَة « ويتناول هذا المقال صورة
الديني والاجتماعي بما يُثبت وجود كهنوت منظّم عند عرب الجاهليّة هو ما حاول الإسلام ضربه بتحريم جملة من الطقوس من أهمّها تسييب الإبل والمواشي للآلهة والميسر، وبهدف إقامة مجتمع إسلامي بديل خالٍ من الكهنوت.“Al-Ḥuraḍa”: a forgotten figure of Pre-Islamic Arab priesthood
In a previous study, we concluded that the Jahili “Māysir” was not merely a game of wasting time or a way of making easy profit (Qimār), as conventionally conceived. Instead, the Māysir was a sacrificial religious ritual held in winter, as tribes began gathering around water sources, after the period of midsummer characterized by the lack of rainfall. Through the ritual of Māysir, Jahili tribes were seeking to appease the Gods by slaughtering camels in a game of bet between gamblers (Āysār). As such, camels were slaughtered on the Statues of Gods (namely, the “Ānṣāb”) placed on the territorial surroundings of Jahili tribes, in order to protect them from any external aggression by human or super-natural powers (especially, the creatures of “Ǧinn”).
Moreover, we concluded that one of the ultimate purposes of Māysir was to provide the personnel of the Jahili priesthood institution with resources, as they were allotted with the profits of one tossing arrow used in Māysir named “Āl-Māniḥ”. In addition, the Māysir guaranteed food assistance to the needy among Jahili tribes, who were allocated profits of the tossing arrow known as “Āl-Wāġd”.
Along with poor people, widows and the needy, Islamic sources cited four other parties involved in the ritual of Māysir: the butcher (Āl-ǧāzzār) who slaughtered camels dedicated to bets in respect of specific rituals, gamblers who were among chiefs of the tribes and men of high status, the “Ḥurāḍā” who directed and supervised the game of bets, and the "Rāquib" who was in charge of monitoring the game and announcing its results. Among these parties, we are interested specifically in the figure of Āl-Ḥurāḍā, the director and supervisor of the game of Māysir.
This essay aims to reconstruct the figure of Āl-Ḥurāḍā in Islamic sources, and to reinterpret both its religious and social roles, arguing for the existence of an institutionalized body of priesthood among the Arabs of Jahiliyyah. Islam targeted this institutional body by prohibiting several rituals, the most important of which is sacrificing camels and entire live stocks to the Gods in the game of māysir, in order to establish an alternative Islamic society free of priesthood
L’empire par le ḥajj. Registres et symbolique du pouvoir du pèlerinage à La Mecque à l’époque coloniale (XIXe-XXe siècles)
Get PDFDuring the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the pilgrimage to Mecca (ḥajj) aroused a growing interest from the European empires which, over the course of their conquests, extended their influence over most of the Muslim world. The French, English, Russians, Dutch or Italians experimented different modes of supervision of their Muslim pilgrims’ journeys towards the holy cities of the Hijaz. Everything seemed to have worked as if the colonial empires had got caught up in the organization of the ḥajj and, more broadly, had drawn their references in “repertories of power” inherited from the Muslim empires that preceded them. Through rivalries and competition, the colonial ḥajj seems to have thus become, until the independence of the various countries, a powerful factor of legitimation and implementation of the imperial project.Aux XIXe et XXe siècles, le pèlerinage à La Mecque (ḥajj) suscite un intérêt grandissant de la part des empires européens qui ont étendu, au fil des conquêtes, leur influence sur la majeure partie du monde musulman. Français, Anglais, Russes, Hollandais ou encore Italiens expérimentent alors différentes modalités d’encadrement des déplacements des pèlerins musulmans de leur empire à destination des villes saintes du Hedjaz. Tout semble fonctionner comme si les empires coloniaux s’étaient « pris au jeu » de l’organisation du ḥajj et avaient puisé leurs références dans des « répertoires de pouvoir » hérités des empires musulmans qui les précédèrent. Le ḥajj colonial semble être devenu jusqu’aux indépendances un puissant facteur de légitimation et d’affirmation du projet impérial
Les Gouverneurs Romains de la Syrie dans l’Antiquité tardive. Problèmes et Perspectives de la Recherche Prosopographique.
No full textThe article deals with the most debatable and conjectural pieces of biographical information on governors of Syria under the sole rulerships of Constantine the Great (324–337) and Constantius (337– 361). It focuses on source-related issues and reveals problems with the interpretation of the evidence, especially Libanius’ correspondence and the Chronicle by John Malalas. Examining the current state of prosopographical research, I suggest corrections and additions to the tentative biographical sketches of some of those officials and indicate directions for further research
Le prélèvement fiscal dans le district du Kūra au XVIIIe siècle
Get PDFThis article on the tax levy in the Koura district during the eighteenth century is based on an official document which defined their limits. The different land statuses in this area (Mulk, Mīrī, Mawāt, and Waqf) are mentioned. The text identifies the Ayyūbī and the Mir‘ib families as the Muqāta‘jīs of certain villages, or those whose land was the property of their inhabitants and who paid taxes directly to the Ottoman Empire; Waqf plots dedicated to faraway religious institutions were also identified. Villages that paid the highest amount of taxes were those that owned their lands (Mulk) and paid the amounts due directly to the Ottomans.Cet article sur le prélèvement fiscal dans le district du Koura au XVIIIe siècle se base sur un document officiel qui définit le statut des terres (mulk, mīrī, mawat, waqf) et les limites de quelques villages. Ce document livre également le nom des fermiers de l’impôt, notamment les familles Ayyūbī et Mir‘ib, et celui des villageois qui possèdent des parcelles en pleine propriété. Les parcelles dévolues à des institutions religieuses sont aussi mentionnées. Il s’est avéré que les terres qui payaient le plus d’impôt au Trésor ottoman étaient les terres mulk appartenant à leurs habitants
L’Arabie et la Naissance de l’Islam : lorsque l’Histoire, le Mythe et l’Opinion deviennent inséparables
No full textIn The Emergence of Islam in Late Antiquity, Aziz al-ʿAzmeh takes on a massive challenge to try to reconstruct the religious scene in Arabia on the eve of the emergence of Islam. He contends that Muhammad was able to champion a little known deity called Allah and the success of his movement made it a major religious divinity in the Near East. This article challenges the premises of Azmeh’s approach, methodology and findings. It argues that the scanty historical evidence does not allow for any credible historical reconstruction of Arabian society and religion. Moreover, the use of the Qurʾan as a window into Muhammad and his mission produces tentative results at best. Essentially, Azmeh only succeeded in analyzing a selection of several religious histories (i.e., what is believed and not what is factual) and presenting them as the history of the rise of Islam
La problématique de L’Émergence de l’Islam dans l’Antiquité tardive : Allāh, l’Histoire et l’Empire
No full textستتخذ هذه المقالة منحىً يقارب مقاربة عامة لكتاب عزيز العظمة حول صعود الإسلام في ثمة محوران رئيسان . The Emergence of Islam in Late Antiquity ، العصور القديمة المتأخرة الكتاب ضمن فضاء سياق الدراسات » تسييق « ستذهب هذه المقاربة في نقاشهما: أولاً، محاولة الإسلامية، الغربية على وجه التحديد، وكيف يمكن قراءة الكتاب على ضوء التحديات التي تطرحها بعض هذه الدراسات التي تتناول مسألة صعود الإسلام، وهو الموضوع الذي مثّل مؤخراً، إلى حد العصر القديم ،Late Antiquity بعيد، مساحة إغراء وصراع بنفس الوقت) صراع حتى على اصطلاح المتأخر (. وإضافة لذلك، سيحاول المقال هنا رصد بعض الإشكالات البحثية الغربية في كيفية استقبال هذه الكتاب وقراءته. أما المحور الثاني فإنه سيقدم قراءة تاريخية للعنوان صعود الإسلام في العصور القديمة المتأخر بحسب رؤية الكتاب نفسه، مع تناول بعض الإمكانات التاريخية التي يقدمها والتي ترتبط تحديدًا بالبيئة التاريخية التي صعد منها الإسلام. وهنا سوف تأخذ المقالة مثالاً محدداً: صعود الله، كإمكانية تاريخية، من بين آلهة أخرى، على ضوء الشروط التاريخية التي أحاطت بهذا الصعود.This article will take a general approach to “The Emergence of Islam in Late Antiquity” focusing on two points regarding what this title historically might denote: first, how this title can be read in the context of Islamic studies, Western specifically, in which the Late Antiquity embodied an attractive space for many Western scholars, to the extent that we are facing a battle that we might call the struggle for the Late Antiquity. The article will critically re-position the book and its title in the context of Western Islamic studies and how the book was received in this space. The second is the historical way of reading the expression "the Emergence of Islam in Late Antiquity", as the book suggests, and the historical possibilities offered in this the book for studies concerning the rise of Islam. Here the article will take a specific example: The Emergence of Allah as a divine possibility among other deities according to a specific historical context